The 12 Key Economic Challenges Facing The Next Government
Voters exits a polling station at Central Library in Calgary on Monday, Sept. 20, 2021. Calgarians head to the polls to vote in the 44th federal election throughout the prairie city. Sarah B Groot/The Globe and Mail
Canadas next government will have to address a daunting set of economic challenges some new, some familiar to a pandemic-weary country, some seemingly intractable. Crucial decisions about the future of energy, trade and the digital economy will have to be made against a backdrop of mounting debt and persistently high inflation. Here are the key economic issues the incoming government will face.
The most pressing economic issue remains the pandemic. The high rate of vaccination in Canada has allowed businesses to reopen over the summer, with workers preparing for a return to the office this fall. But the Delta variant of the virus is creating uncertainty. Alberta, the province that was the furthest along in loosening pandemic restrictions, declared a health emergency last week and reintroduced strict measures to fight the virus.
David Wear looks over the remains of a house destroyed by the White Rock Lake wildfire in Monte Lake, east of Kamloops, B.C., on Aug. 14.DARRYL DYCK/The Canadian Press
The future of energy
Productivity and innovation
The Prospects For Pushback: Political And Institutional Checks On Duterte
President Dutertes continued popularity is not surprising. His base of support is rooted in his persona, his tough approach to fighting drugs and crime, his proto-populist policies, and the Philippines continuing economic growth. Moreover, Duterte and his supporters have demonstrated an impressive ability to put their opponents on the defensive. They portray individuals and groups associated with the Aquino administration as incompetent or corrupt elitists. They accuse defenders of human rights of protecting drug peddlers and criminals. They charge the mainstream media with being partisan and disseminating fake news. What then, are the existing and potential checks on Duterte?
Countervailing Institutions and Actors
A brief scan of the political landscape suggests that most institutions and actors that can serve as checks on Duterte are weak, divided, or under attack.
It is important to note that there is a typical arc of presidencies, which begins with high approval ratings, strong congressional support, and minimal opposition. Following the midterm elections, the power of the president often begins to diminish as political and business elites position themselves for the next presidential election.
The Potentially Pivotal Role of the Armed Forces
The Importance of Public Opinion
Is Duterte a Populist? And Does It Matter?
Democratic Backsliding: How Far, How Fast?
Summing Up: A Mixed Record Delivering Change and an Uncertain Future
As Some Pandemic Benefits Expire Feds To Spend $74b On New Programs
The federal government has announced a suite of changes to the popular income and business support programs put in place during the pandemic and set to expire on Saturday. Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland reminded Canadians on Thursday that the measures were always intended to be ‘temporary.’
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Wikipedia: Requested Articles/social Sciences/politics And Government
- Korea Truth Commission – a member organization of International A.N.S.W.E.R.
- MoFa Seven – a group of seven North Korean refugees who escaped to China and, finding themselves unwelcome there, tried to cross into Mongolia some information can be had through the documentary film Seoul Train , which is about these seven and other refugees who are struggling to escape North Korea
- Nobodies: Modern American Slave Labor and the Dark Side of the New Global Economy – a book by John Bowe
- secure tenure – right for persons to continue residing in current location top concern of slum residents and squatters
- State Crime Against Democracy, SCADs involve high-level government officials, often in combination with private interests, that engage in covert activities for political advantages and power
- I can’t find original UN documentation on this topic, nor any reference to it in Wikipedia otherwise.
- The Daphne project, investigative journalistic project, to clarify the death of Daphne Caruana Galizia, and the connections to corruption in the Maltese government.
The Political Economyof Economic Policy
We should pay closer attention to the interactionsbetween politics, economics, and other realms
The COVID-19 pandemic strikingly illustrates the intersection of politics, economics, and other considerations. Public health experts have long warned that the world was likely to face a major pandemic and called for greater preparedness. Yet policymakers who have to focus on the next election find it difficult to invest the time, money, and political capital to address the abstract possibility of a future crisis. And so most of the world was unprepared for a global public health threat of the magnitude posed by the novel coronavirus.
As the pandemic has raced across the world, the policy response has continued to be tempered by political realities. Some members of the public, and some policymakers, have resisted the recommendations of public health experts, hoping for relaxed restrictions and a return to normalcy before the dangers have passed. At the same time, business interests have pressed for exceptions to benefit themselves, and for substantial subsidiesbailoutsto help them through difficult times.
Politics at play
Politics is the usual answer, and the answer is usually right. But that is too vaguelike saying that some countries are rich and others poor due to economics. Exactly how does politics keep governments from making better policy, even in the face of imminent crises? What does that tell us about how economic policy can and should be made?
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Is Government Too Political
A QUESTION OF BALANCE
Since the 1994 congressional elections, America’s central political debate has pitted “big government” against “small government.” This is a sterile dichotomy that captures the concerns of few citizens. Americans abhor paying taxes and are constitutionally incapable of favoring “big government” in the abstract. Nevertheless, I suspect that voters want more government, not less, in certain key areas — crime prevention, environmental preservation, job security, and education, to name just a few. Naturally, they want less government elsewhere.
The real source of the current estrangement between Americans and their politicians is, I believe, the feeling that the process of governing has become too political. Americans increasingly believe that their elected officials are playing games rather than solving problems. Political debate has too much “spin” and too little straight talk. The system is too argumentative and tied up in partisan and procedural knots. Most important, government appears excessively beholden to those with political clout, often at the expense of the public interest.
In return for these perceived vices, citizens exact retribution from professional politicians: witness the romanticized yearning for a man on a white horse , the meteoric rise and fall of the anti-politician Steve Forbes, and the growing pressure for term limits. Each of these rejectionist phenomena is a Bronx cheer for career politicians.
LEARNING FROM THE FED
Politics Of The Philippines
|Politics of the Philippines|
|nominated by the President and presented to the Commission on Appointments|
|Padre Faura St., Ermita, Manila|
The politics of the Philippines take place within a three-branch governmental system. The country is a democracy, led by a directly-elected president who is both the head of state and the head of government. The President heads the executive branch, and has significant political powers. Presidents are limited to a single six-year term of office. The bicameral Congress serves as the legislature, consisting of the small Senate, elected on an at-large basis throughout the country, and the larger House of Representatives, primarily made up of representatives elected from specific geographic regions. The judiciary is headed by the Supreme Court of the Philippines, a body with expansive powers of review over actions taken by other political and administrative bodies.
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Welcome To The Journal Of Comparative Politics
Comparative Politics, an international journal presenting scholarly articles devoted to the comparative analysis of political institutions and processes,communicates new ideas and research findings to social scientists, scholars, students, and public and NGO officials. The journal is indispensable to experts in universities, research organizations, foundations, embassies, and policymaking agencies throughout the world.
Read the journal onlinehere.
The Duterte Governments Priorities And Policies
Upon assuming office on June 30, 2016, Duterte assembled an eclectic cabinet that included law school classmates, long-time associates from Davao, ex-military officers, business leaders, and representatives of the communist left. His diverse coalition came together through personal loyalty, regional affinity, and political opportunism. It included many political figures who had been sidelined during the Aquino administration, most notably former president Gloria Macapagal Arroyo and members of the Marcos, Estrada, and Villar families.
Now seventy-three years old, Dutertes world view is heavily influenced by nationalist and leftist thought dating from the 1960s and 1970s, as well as by his twenty-two years of experience as mayor of Davao City. In Davao, he combined a hardline approach to law and order with socially progressive and pro-business policies. As mayor he was both a paternalistic patron and a fearsome boss whose orders had to be followed. As a result, he has little tolerance for scrutiny or challenges to this authority. He sees the country as beset by existential threats of drugs, crime, and corruption. As befits Philippine culture, his approach is highly personalistic: he presents himself as the only leader strong and decisive enough to save the nation. As for his frequently crude and threatening rhetoric, anthropologist Nicole Curato has called his approach crass politics that, though objectionable to many, communicates multiple messages:
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New Benefit For Workers Only Intended For Those In ‘complete’ Lockdowns: Qualtrough
The federal government intends for the newly proposed lockdown benefit to apply only to individuals whose work is interrupted by a complete COVID-19 lockdown in their region. Employment, Workforce Development and Disability Inclusion Minister Carla Qualtrough said the details of the new Canada Worker Lockdown Benefit are still being ironed out, and will depend too on the public health restrictions imposed by provinces and territories.
Conservatives Say They’re Against Decision To Make Covid
The federal Conservativesâthe only caucus yet to confirm how many of its MPs remain unvaccinatedâhave come out in opposition to the new mandatory COVID-19 vaccination policy announced by the House of Commons. The decision taken by a cross-party committee of MPs that means that as of Nov. 22, anyone entering the House of Commons precinct will need to be fully vaccinated against COVID-19.
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Economics And Free Press
While Canada’s media are part of the machinery of POLITICS, they are generally operated for profit. Daily newspapers and privately owned broadcast operations have been among the most profitable business enterprises in Canada. The pursuit of profits, however, has led to the growth of newspaper chains and the virtual disappearance of newspaper competition.
Of Canada’s 90 newspaper cities, in 1997 only 8 have more than one daily. Of the 105 dailies, 59 are owned by one company, Hollinger Inc, which sells nearly half of the newspapers produced each day 3 corporations account for 66% of national circulation and 6 corporations for over 90%. Concentration of ownership is equally pervasive in the anglophone and francophone press one Québec chain, Quebecor, controls nearly half of the French-language circulation. In broadcasting, concentration of ownership is increasing and is equally intense, if not more so, as in the newspaper industry. Some companies own daily newspapers and broadcast stations in the same cities.
Journal Of Power Politics & Governance
ISSN 2372-4919 2372-4927
Nature: Print and Online
Journal of Power, Politics & Governance is an international peer-reviewed Journal which capitalizes the consequent debates surrounding power. The journal is a primary outlet for those doing empirical work on relations of power and powerlessness. The Journal welcomes empirical analysis of the process whereby globalization, ethnicity, nationalism, war and gender are central to the constitution of power, whether conceptualized as domination or empowerment.The JPPG encourages cutting edge research, and informed commentary regarding all aspects of national, state, and local government, electoral politics, and public policy formation and implementation. The journals editorial board and contributors are leading scholars and professional experts from across the nation and around the world. Drawing on its editors, its diverse editorial board, and an international network of scholars, practitioners, journalists, policymakers, and officeholders, JPPG provides timely insights and historical and comparative perspective on issues ranging from legislative and electoral concerns to tax and social welfare policy, the courts, campaign finance, and the changing role and character of political media. The JPPG provides a forum for the theoretical and practical discussion of executive politics, public policy, administration, and the organization of the state.
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Difference Between Government And Politics
August 3, 2011 Posted by Aron
Government vs Politics
Government and Politics are two terms that are often confused as terms that convey the same meaning. Actually, there are differences between the two words. The word government is used in the sense of a body that prescribes the rules and regulations pertaining to governing a country. On the other hand, the word politics is used in the sense of a branch of knowledge that deals with affairs of state. This is the main difference between the two words.
Government refers to the group of people that run the country. On the other hand, politics refers to the process followed by the leaders of political groups who rule the country. As a matter of fact, the path of the government is free from the interference by the common man. On the other hand, politics has the involvement of the common man to a greater extent. This is one of the main differences between government and politics.
Government is found only in the act of ruling the states and districts. On the other hand, politics can be found in every discipline for that matter. Politics can be seen in education, cultural relationships, sports, arts and the like. Government is all about administration. On the other hand, politics is all about affairs of the government.
Another Minority Government Now What
When Prime Minister Justin Trudeau called the 2021 federal election, he said it was because he thought Canadians should have their say about where the country is going. Well, voters have spoken, and it’s another minority Liberal government. With an almost identical House of Commons heading to Ottawa in terms of seat distribution, leaders are now facing post-election questions about their futures.
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Dutertes Subversion Of Democratic Institutions And Norms
The Duterte governments approach to eradicating illegal drugs, besides being inhumane and misguided, has negative consequences for the rule of law, governance, and politics. But that is not the full extent of the damage being done to the Philippine polity. This section provides an assessment of the Duterte governments impact on democratic institutions and norms.
Just Hardball Politics as Usual?
Some observers of Philippine politics might argue that Duterte is only the most recent example of presidents who exercise fully the levers of executive power to advance their political and policy agendas. In this light, he is perpetuating and perhaps perfecting the hardball politics that every president has practiced since 1986. To be sure, Dutertes predecessors all used a mix of persuasion and inducements to advance their agenda, and no president has been above using intimidation and subterfuge to get their way at times. Therefore, the politics as usual view has some superficial validity. But a deeper assessment shows that the Duterte presidency is qualitatively different from its post-Marcos predecessors because of its willingness to intimidate the opposition, weaken institutional checks, and discard democratic norms.
In some cases, Dutertes threats may simply reflect his impetuous personality and desire to dominate media coverage. However, his statements and actions also send the message that no one is safe from his attacks and that opposing him is a high-risk venture.
American Support For Human Rights And Democracy In The Philippines
American diplomats often boast of the strong people-to-people connections that exist between the United States and the Philippines, principally because of the large Filipino-American community in the United States. But Americas institutional engagement with the Philippines is surprisingly thin, even though the country is a former colony, a major treaty ally, and a fellow democracy. There are two reasons for this state of affairs. First, historically the bilateral relationship has been dominated by military/security ties, key elements of which include the 1951 Mutual Defense Treaty, the presence of two massive U.S. military bases in the Philippines until the early 1990s, the post-9/11 Global War on Terror, and most recently the U.S. response to Chinas assertion of sovereignty in the South China Sea. Second, the Philippines moderately sized economy has been less open to foreign investment and less export-oriented than many other East Asian economies. As a result, though U.S.-Philippines economic ties are not insignificant, they are small compared to the United States relations with larger and more open economies in the region.
U.S.-Philippines Relations: Less Than Meets the Eye
The Timid American Response to the Duterte Governments Subversion of Human Rights and Democracy
In June 2018, the United States joined thirty-seven other members of the United Nations Human Rights Council to sign a statement on human rights in the Philippines issued by the government of Iceland:
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